Class Consciousness
t is often said that Americans don't think in terms of class. Many believe that, compared to European societies, the U.S. is marked by a weak or absent class consciousness, especially among the working class. Conservatives generally regard this as a sign of American superiority--that we have "transcended" class. Liberals usually regard our supposed lack of class consciousness with regret--that if workers were more aware of the causes of inequality, the labor movement would be more effective, and workers would be better off.
Our failure to perceive class consciousness among workers may tell us more about how we are looking, however, than what workers are thinking.
It is a mistake to think that because workers don't talk about class using the same vocabulary as left-wing sociologists, there is no class consciousness in the working class. Labor historians, such as David Brody, have shown that American workers do have a sense of their interests as workers, and furthermore, understand some of the ways in which the powerful have sought to keep them powerless.*
lass consciousness is not just a matter of labor activism and occupational solidarity. When we recognize that our experiences are shaped and limited as a result of our class position, our sense of self becomes linked to a class-based perspective. Even if we don't think in terms of 'interests,' it makes sociological sense to say that we are mindful of class.
Although we may not think about class identity right away when asked about who we are, the fact is that we readily identify with some class position. National opinion surveys, for example, often ask for subjective class identification, e.g., "What social class do you consider that you belong to? Would you say (a) upper class; (b) middle class; (c) working class; or, (d) lower class?" Most people are able and willing to answer this question.
According to data from the 1996 General Social Survey, shown in Table 1, most Americans identify with the middle class or the working class. (Out of 1500 respondents, only 14 did not answer the question.)
|
Class Identification |
Percent |
|
Upper |
3.3 |
|
Middle |
43.7 |
|
Working |
47.1 |
|
Lower |
5.9 |
This data suggests that Americans are capable of thinking about themselves in terms of class. It is important to know how accurate these perceptions are. In other words, would we, as sociologists, place people into the same category in which they would place themselves? Table 2 shows the relationship between occupational prestige, one of the important components of SES, and subjective class identification.
Identification (mean score). | |
|
Class Identification |
Occupational |
|
Upper |
52.9 |
|
Middle |
46.8 |
|
Working |
39.6 |
|
Lower |
36.3 |
It appears that subjective class identification and occupational prestige are related in the way that we would expect.
ubjective class identification should be related to other variables if it is to have any sociological meaning at all. Class consciousness, after all, includes not just a recognition of the reality of class, but also a sense that one's position in the hierarchy matters. As sociologists, we expect that class identity would affect, in some way, individuals' beliefs and behaviors.
Table 3 shows the relationship between subjective class identification and political identification. We would expect, based on an objective analysis of class interests, that those at the bottom of the hierarchy would be more likely to identify with the liberal perspective, because it would be in their interest to do so. The same is true for those at the top of the hierarchy and the conservative perspective.
Subjective Class Identification (in percent). | |||||||
|
Subjective Class | |||||||
|
Political |
Lower |
Working |
Middle |
Upper |
|||
|
Liberal |
14.1 |
12.1 |
9.9 |
2.1 |
|||
|
Conservative |
14.1 |
14.1 |
17.3 |
31.9 |
|||
Note: The columns do not sum to 100% because not all political identifications are shown.
Table 3 suggests that class identification is related to political identification in the way that we would expect, at least for those in the higher class positions. Members of the working and lower classes are more likely to be liberal than members of the middle and upper middle classes, but those in the bottom two classes are equally likely to identify as conservative as liberal. This may be a reflection of the fact that in the 80s and early 90s, it was out of fashion to describe yourself as a liberal.
We can find additional evidence from the '96 GSS data. Respondents at the top of the hierarchy are more likely than those at the bottom to feel that the government is spending too much on social assistance programs. (About 40 percent of those who identify as lower class feel the government spends too much on welfare, compared to about 65 percent of those who identify as upper class.) Respondents at the top of the hierarchy are more likely to express a great deal of confidence in banks and other financial institutions than those at the bottom. (About 18 percent of those who identify as lower class expressed a great deal of confidence, compared to about 30 percent of those who identify as upper class.)
eber talked about stratification in terms of "life chances." As we discussed, class matters in very tangible ways in people's lives. There are definite and sometimes substantial consequences of one's position in the class hierarchy. People at the top of the hierarchy have greater access to material and cultural resources, are more likely to have jobs that require some amount of creativity and independence, and are more likely to be satisfied with their work, their income and their neighborhood. Indeed, they even have a longer life expectancy!
There is not a perfect correlation between class position and happiness, but the two variables are substantially related. According to the 1996 GSS data, about 16 percent of those who identify as lower class say that they are very happy, about 26 percent of those who identify as working class say so, compared to 35 percent of those who identify as middle class and 39 percent of those who identify as upper class.
One important way in which people experience the reality of class is in their living conditions. Class certainly influences standard of living, and this tends to have substantial consequences in terms of the details of day-to-day living. Our class consciousness, then, is linked to our perceptions of the manner in which we live; the way that we feel about our residence and our neighborhood contributes to our sense of class identity.
Table 4 shows some of the ways in which attitudes about living conditions vary by class. These data come from a survey conducted by the U.S. Census. The table compares the poor with the non-poor -- only a very general approximation of a class difference.
| Table 4. Perceptions of Living Conditions by Poverty Status (in percent). | ||
| Not Poor | Poor | |
| Feel that living conditions in current residence are bad enough that one would like to move. | 9.5 | 26.6 |
| Feel that living conditions in current neighborhood are bad enough that one would like to move. | 6.5 | 18.4 |
| Feel neighborhood is not safe. | 7.0 | 21.9 |
| Feel neighborhood has trash/litter problem. | 10.0 | 22.7 |
| Feel that community services are bad enough that one would like to move. | 5.5 | 15.1 |
Note: Data from U.S. Census, Household Economic Studies, 1992.
Empirical data like this points to a certain sophistication regarding Americans' perception of class. It makes a strong case for the assertion that Americans are, indeed, class conscious.
In our second internet investigation, we are going to explore the relationship between class identity and perceptions of and satisfaction with one's neighborhood.
We will employ an interview format to collect data from residents of a neighborhood. We'll supplement this with demographic data about the neighborhood, what is often called a community profile. In the research report, you will interpret the interview information in the context of the community profile. You are looking for patterns of association. What details in the interview data suggest class consciousness? How is class consciousness linked to the demographic characteristics of the neighborhood?
ocial scientists use interviews to discover patterns in individuals beliefs, attitudes and behaviors. Since we cannot see inside people's heads, we cannot directly observe a belief or an attitude. Instead, we have to use a survey, in which we ask our respondents to observe the contents of their mental life and report the results of their observation to us. Even though survey data is not collected through direct observation, it is considered empirical.
The key to valid survey data is a principle called intentional engagement. The success of a survey depends on whether or not the respondent takes seriously the survey process and observes as accurately as possible the contents of his or her mental state. The respondent must engage the process. We are asking him or her to collaborate with us in the research, and we need to convey the seriousness of the task. The respondent must concentrate on the questions and be willing to share the answers.
Researchers need to follow certain guidelines to foster intentional engagement. The first, and most important, of these is professionalism. The interviewer must take the project seriously if he or she is to convince the respondent to do so. The interviewer should look professional and act in a responsible and polite manner.
Second, the interviewer should be thoroughly familiar with the interview protocol. Practice with the interview is essential. The interviewer must be able to ask the questions in a consistent, pleasant and understandable manner.
Third, the interviewer must never coerce the respondents into answering the survey questions. A major ethical tenet of the social sciences is that participation in research must be voluntary. A researcher invites the respondent to participate. The respondent is free to accept or reject that invitation. This is true not just for the survey as a whole; it applies to each question. If a respondent says, "I'd rather not answer that," the interviewer should say, "Okay, let's go on to the next question."
Finally, the interviewer must assure the respondent that the data will be used in a responsible manner. We will promise our respondents that their answers will be kept confidential. No names will be recorded, and the data will not be used for anything other than this research report. To fulfill this promise, you must not discuss the answers with anyone outside of this course. Casual discussion of the results, even when particular individuals are not named, would violate the promise of confidentiality.
Investigation 2.
Class Consciousness
Description
You will construct a community profile of your neighborhood using data from the 1990 U.S. Census and then conduct an interview study of ten residents of the neighborhood, at least nine of whom should not be living in your household. Each interview should be conducted separately. The interview will follow the protocol indicated.
Directions
Part I. The community profile.
You need your home address to determine in which U.S. Census tract you live. Go to the Census Tract Street Locator at the U.S. Census site. (From the Census home page, click on Access Tools, then on Censtats, and finally on Census Tract Street Locator.) Type your street address (house number, street and zip code) in the appropriate boxes and click on "Submit." From the list that returns, find the category which includes your address. (The categories are listed in pairs by blocks, one for each side of the street.) Click on the "Profile" button. When you get the results, print them.
U.S. Census tracts are defined to include about 3,000 people. This is the best approximation of what we mean sociologically by "neighborhood," though what is perceived as a neighborhood sometimes cuts across tract boundaries. Even though it is not a perfect measure of the neighborhood, it will give you a pretty good sense of its demographics.
Calculate percentages for race, Hispanic origin (all Hispanics divided by the total population), age (under 18, 18+; you have to add up all the citizenship categories), and educational attainment (less than HS, HS, College or more; you'll have to add up some of the categories, divided by the adult population).
Next, calculate the average size of the households (number of persons divided by number of households).
In addition, you'll report the median income and income per capita by race. Finally, report the percentage of the population below the poverty line. (You'll summarize this information in your report.) Submit the results with the community profile data form.
Part II. The interviews
You will interview ten people who live in your neighborhood. At least nine should be persons who lives outside your household.
Follow the interview protocol to conduct each interview. Print the form and make nine copies. Record the answers on the protocol form as you conduct the interview.
You must submit all your data--community profile and interviews--by 3:50PM on Thursday, 3/29, or you will receive a lateness deduction. If you need to make corrections, you must submit the corrected data by the deadline to avoid the deduction.
Consult the instructionsfor advice about how to write this report.